Donald Trump won in 2016 by tapping into American identity. The ingenious slogan of “Make America Great Again” resonated with voters at the heart, who knew that America was in decline both socially and economically. This allowed him to crack the Rustbelt where Clinton had barricaded the more demographically replaced Virginia with her selected running mate of Senator Tim Kaine. Disaffected working-class White voters uniquely came out for Trump, whose campaign was economically paleoconservative, anti-war, and hardline anti-immigration. Would Ted Cruz have had this same success? Probably not.
All politics is identity politics, and the results of the 2024 election once again validate this reality. Elections are not about the marketplace of ideas, but a headcount of demographics, and to win, candidates must connect with voters on an identitarian level. One cannot win by throwing facts and statistics to craft compelling arguments. Politics is like sales, where the salesman must connect with the voter in order to win the election. This is achieved by tapping into identity and appealing to who they are as voters.
In a comparison of the two campaigns, Kamala Harris’s campaign was almost designed for, and by, millennial women with little broader appeal to Whites, especially men. This is most evident with their “White Dudes for Harris” push which sought to appeal to male voters by convincing them to use their vote to the benefit of women. They had mostly gay actors LARPing as masculine outdoorsmen. Even a more degenerate campaign emerged whereby they appealed to porn-addicts in comparing pornography to abortion with regards to “bodily autonomy.” Their advertisements resorted to henpecking men while their young “influencers” were the “totally straight” Harry Sisson. Tim Walz, a masculinity vacuum, went hunting and played Madden with AOC while Kamala sipped a beer at a bar. They had no natural appeal, nor were their desperate measures well received.
Comparatively, Donald Trump’s campaign built upon his 2016 base in which he tapped into the broader political dichotomy between the sexes. Whereas Kamala represented feminism, Trump represented masculinity. He projected strength on foreign policy, stability on the economy, and his hardline stance against immigration plays well to White voters who are increasingly conscious that their government is trying to replace them. Events like Springfield resonated with America, as Springfield is the quintessential American town—even the very name is itself iconic. Those people did not vote for the Haitian blight, but rather it was imposed upon them—just as it has been in every small town. Expanding the base, Trump uniquely appealed to younger men, with not only his selection of Millennial JD Vance, but also in the number of online outlets he interviewed with as opposed to mainstream media. Most of these outlets have a primarily young male audience, where he participated in long-form interviews that are popular with Millennials and Gen Z. Donning the McDonalds apron in the world’s best troll-op, only to be followed-up by the Garbageman Trump, brands the president as a hero of the working class in a way that only the showman could succeed. With gestures like these, the MAGA movement embodied the energy of White Boy Summer.
And the results demonstrated the overall trend of Masculinity vs. Feminism that makes up American (also global) politics:
For the most part, Trump held steady with Whites from 2020, only losing about 1-2%, while improving slightly with Black men by 2%. By far, the biggest and most notable increase was in Hispanic men, where he increased to 55%, up from 36% in 2020. A nearly 20% swing in Hispanic men also served to drag Hispanic women up 8%. Now, the official category of “White Hispanic” does exist as some Hispanics look White, and so identify with the majority culture through this classification. Hispanics often come from nations where machismo and masculinity is projected in their leadership. Men like Bukele project strength and competence, and likewise, Trump shares in this appeal to men, especially when juxtaposed to Harris. However, the broad appeal to men of the Trump campaign also served to improve with Hispanic women. Whereas the appeal to Blacks was largely fruitless pandering, as President Biden would say, Hispanics are not a monolith.
The youth are going wild! With Zoomers (18-24), Trump improved by 11% in a sizable shift in the politically bifurcated younger generation. While NBC did not calculate Age by Gender in 2020, the driving force is clearly Men at 49% for 18-29 compared with women under 30 at 37%. The Barron Trump podcast strategy and the appeal to online Twitter/X meme culture worked in Trump’s favor. The “too bro-tastic” culture that Megyn Kelly bashed following the Maddison Square Garden rally was the precise vibe which gained Trump these voters while Kamala goes on the literal slut podcast named “Call Her Daddy” to reach the Swifties she already has in her corner.
There were no large disparities across generations between Blacks and Hispanics, reflecting similar behavior across generations, albeit with slightly more older Hispanics going for Trump. With Whites, there does appear to be a strong Gen X base. Often ignored in conversations, Gen X is the most reliably conservative generation, even if more “boomercon” in beliefs. The older generations, Boomer and Silent, appear to be trending liberal, and this could be behind the marginal declines in White support for Trump. The Silent Generation is majority White, and not enough is said about how their deaths impact the overall electorate, both in making it less White and the death of voters who might have supported Trump in 2016. This means the over 65 demographic will be increasingly liberal via the Boomers.
Once again, White Evangelicals were the lone bulwark against moral insanity in America, proving Stephen Wolfe correct. At a whopping 82%, Trump improved with White Evangelicals by 6%, though their overall percent of the electorate was down from 28% in 2020. White Catholics also improved 5% from 2020, reflecting a similar trend between denominations. Overall Protestant and Catholic support was 63% and 58% respectively. While the protestants were up only 3% overall, Trump’s papist support improved by 11%, which was driven by the improvement with Hispanics. Christians have a place in the GOP, and despite its many flaws, it is better to work within Trump’s coalition than to work against it.
It must be mentioned that the Jews were 78% in support of Kamala, which was one of few groups she improved upon compared with Joe Biden. Contrary to the Zionist lies of Con Inc., the DNC is a Jewish party, and this becomes more evident if one investigates their donor class. The only groups more liberal than them are Blacks and sodomites. Appealing to Jews is absolute vanity for the GOP.
The importance of marriage cannot be stressed enough. Family is a pillar to one’s identity. Whereas the liberals seek to deracinate the individual from the family, marriage is naturally conservative. Trump held strong with married women at 51% but improved 5% amongst married men. Married men ignored Kamala’s pleadings to vote for their daughter’s right to be a whore. To have such a daughter is the most demonstrative sign that a man failed as a father. However, the 9% gap between married men and women is a problem in countless homes across America, perhaps even a ticking timebomb for many households. Contrary to what liberal tokens like Thabiti Anyabwile say, a husband can compel his wife’s vote; otherwise, Scripture’s commands of submission and obedience mean absolutely nothing.
It should be noted that the overall percent of the electorate was down 2%, driven by an increase in unmarried women. While unmarried women are still largely an unhinged reliably, democratic voting bloc, Trump did improve by 2% in 2024. As the unmarried population increases in the coming years, with more childless cat ladies and past-the-wall women in the electorate, this represents a tailwind for the Democrats and a destructive force whose early pangs are evident.
Conclusion
The 2024 exit polling demonstrates the identitarian brackets of the current political landscape. Trump’s masculine campaign was able to slap down the hyper-feminist Kamala Harris, building upon his original 2016 coalition with historic gains in Hispanic men. As politics becomes increasingly Men vs Women, expect this trend to hold, and for the GOP to win future elections, they must capitalize on the demographics who work best in their favor. Whereas the Democrats are a party of gay race bolshevism, let the Republicans be a party of Christians, families, and men.
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